Pro
1. Works to fight insergents
The US ramped up the number of strikes in July 2008, and has continued to regularly hit at Taliban and Al Qaeda targets inside Pakistan. There have been 289 strikes total since the program began in 2004; 279 of those strikes have taken place since January 2008.
Since 2006, there have been 2,223 leaders and operatives from Taliban, Al Qaeda, and allied extremist groups killed and138 civilians killed. Data for 2004 and 2005 are not available at this time.
Over the past six years, the strikes have focused on two regions: North and South Waziristan. Over the past two years, there has been a dramatic shift in the location of the strikes. In 2009, 42% of the strikes have taken place in North Waziristan and 51% in South Waziristan. In 2010, 89% of the strikes have taken place in North Waziristan and 6% in South Waziristan.
Of the 289 strikes since 2004, 69% have hit targets in North Waziristan, and 26% have hit targets in South Waziristan.
The majority of the attacks have taken place in the tribal areas administered by four powerful Taliban groups: the Mehsuds, Mullah Nazir, Hafiz Gul Bahadar, and the Haqqanis. In 2010, there was a dramatic shift in strikes to tribal areas administered by Hafiz Gul Bahadar.
Mullah Nazir and Waliur Rehman are based in South Waziristan; the Haqqanis, Hafiz Gul Bahadar, and Abu Kasha al Iraqi are based in North Waziristan; Hakeemullah Mehsud is based in Arakzai; and Faqir Mohammed is based in Bajaur. Two bases operated by Gulbuddin Hekmatyar were hit in South Waziristan. For eight of the strikes, territorial control has not been reported.
The Pakistani government considers Nazir, the Haqqanis, Bahadar, and Hekmatyar to be 'good Taliban' as they do not carry out attacks against the Pakistani state. All of these Taliban factions shelter al Qaeda and various other terror groups.
( Long war journal)
Use silenced guns to kill coalition forces at Iraqi security checkpoints, smuggle weapons in gradual shipments to reduce the risk of detection, and poison Iraq’s water supply with nitric acid to spread disease and death.
Such tactics were fleshed out in a terrorist letter intended for Abu Ayyub al-Masri, the foreign-born leader of al-Qaida in Iraq. But the document never reached Masri. Instead, coalition forces lifted it from the body of a terrorist they killed last month during an operation 30 miles northwest of Baghdad.
The slain terrorist and author of the 11-page missive was Abu Safyan, from Diyala, Iraq, according to military officials who made available all but two pages deemed “not releasable” on the Multinational Force Iraq Web site.
Providing a glimpse into the proposed inner workings of al-Qaida in Iraq, the author discusses the need to split jihadists into three groups: snipers, assassination experts and martyrs. Each well-trained group should have an emir, or unit commander, at the lead. Through a series of coordinated surprise attacks, groups should work in unison to “bring down the city or the area,” he wrote.
In addition to outlining extremist combat methods, Safyan advocated waging economic and psychological warfare, and his roadmap for success hinged on “continuous conflict” between Iraq’s Shiite government, Sunni members of “Awakening Movements” and Kurdish nationalists.
“This will lessen the pressure against us and the Mujahidin brothers in all of Iraq when the enemies fight among themselves and weaken,” according to the handwritten Arabic letter, penned in blue ink on lined paper, that coalition forces captured in a remote farmhouse March 5 along with a suicide vest and computer equipment.
Army Maj. Gen. Kevin Bergner, a Multinational Force Iraq spokesman, today said the intercepted pages offer insight into the mind of a terrorist and provide further evidence about al-Qaida’s overarching strategy and tactics of violence.
“This document is just one man’s articulation, one terrorist’s views about instigating conflict and turning Iraqis against each other. But it is also quite consistent with the patterns of violence we see from AQI,” Bergner told reporters during a news conference in Baghdad, referring to al-Qaida in Iraq by the acronym AQI.
To strike at Iraq’s economy, the document proposes attacking the fields, wells and pipelines that make up the national oil infrastructure. The author recommends targeting oil tankers and ships, specifically those in Basra, Kirkuk and Baghdad.
“Attack all the targets that strengthen the enemy economically and militarily,” Safyan wrote. “Even the American Army will weaken since it depends on the Iraqi oil and gas wealth. The enemy will gradually drown step by step.”
The letter advises that a chemical offensive can inflict both physical and mental harm. Contaminating Iraqis’ water can produce “killing and dangerous illness,” and also convince the enemy “that we have a dangerous chemical weapon,” Safyan wrote. “But in fact,” he continues, “it’s a psychological war that places fear in the enemy.”
Page 8 of the document focuses on instigating fights between coalition forces and Iraqi groups, especially Sunnis who have rejected foreign extremism and terrorism in droves in what has been referred to as “Awakening Groups.” Safyan suggested infiltrating the Sunni cadres before planting and detonating mines “in their villages and streets.”
Bergner said the author’s call for violence against the Awakening movement typifies the kind of extremism many Iraqis have turned against. The confiscated document also reveals the threat such groups present to terrorists, he added.
“These writings are further examples of the corrupt ideology that Iraqis are broadly rejecting,” he said. “We have seen about 100,000 men choose a different path and join local volunteer groups like the Sons of Iraq instead.”
 Coalition forces found a chart showing senior al-Qaida leaders recently killed or captured and several pages of a letter found on the body of a terrorist. The items were released April 16, 2008, in Baghdad, Iraq, during a media briefing by U.S. Army Maj. Gen. Kevin Bergner, a Multinational Force Iraq spokesman. (Click photo for screen-resolution image);high-resolution image available. |
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Later in the briefing, Bergner told reporters that coalition forces had captured or killed 53 al-Qaida in Iraq leaders since his most recent news conference early this month.
The 10 most significant targets, according to Bergner, were:
-- Abd-al-Rahman Ibrahim Jasim Thair, the military emir responsible for al-Qaida’s operations in Mosul. Thair is the former emir in Beiji, who moved to Mosul because of the city’s importance to al-Qaida.
-- Muhammad Fathi Hammad Husayn, an al-Qaida cell leader in Sharqat. Like Thair, he also moved from Beiji, where he was formerly the emir in charge of assassinations.
-- Jasim Najm Khalaf Muhammad, a leader in al-Qaida’s network in Khark who was attempting to reconstitute terrorist networks around Baghdad when coalition forces captured him in Tarmiyah.
-- Ali Mustashar Ali, a car bomb network operative in Baghdad. He and his associates moved explosives, vehicles and suicide bombers throughout the Iraqi capital.
-- Hamid Awayd Muhammad, a car- and truck-bomb attack operative in Baghdad. Once the al-Qaida emir responsible for Anbar province, he handled the logistics for vehicle-bomb attacks north of Baghdad at the time of his capture.
-- Ahmad Husayn Ghanim Ali, the security emir for eastern Mosul.
-- Abu Mansur, al-Qaida’s deputy emir for Mosul, who acted as a judge in the terror network’s illegal courts. The role of Mansur, who died March 8, was to “cloak their corrupt ideology with religious sanction.”
-- Tumah Khalaf Mutar Hassan, the leader of al-Qaida’s cell in Samarra, who worked closely with the area’s emir. Coalition forces captured him in Samarra in early March.
-- Muqdad Ibrahim Abbas Husayn, al-Qaida’s military emir for Jalam, located east of Baghdad. He coordinated terror operations with counterparts from Tikrit, Samarra and Mosul, and arranged al-Qaida leadership meetings in the Tigris River valley. Husayn also oversaw kidnappings for ransom that terrorists relied on for operational funding.
-- Mahmud Abd-al-Hamid Isa Aaywi, al-Qaida’s military emir for southern Karkh. His operations focused on trying to use car and truck bombs in Rashid, Karrada and Mansour.
“These terrorists are just one component of the mosaic of security threats that seek to destabilize Iraq and incite a cycle of violence the Iraqi people broadly reject,” Bergner said. He noted that recent violence against Iraqi citizens “highlights the need to keep going forward and the need to keep pursuing these terrorists.”
( United States department of defense 2008)
argument: Terrorist have no way to combat drone strikes
2. Helps to save soldiers lives
Civilian casualties in Afghanistan are the highest they've been since the invasion, according to the latest statistics from the United Nationscreating the highest total since 2006 for civilian deaths - the continued annual rises has seen over 12,793 killed in the past six years.
In the light of the horrific attacks on a village by an American soldier over the weekend, the data brings fresh focus on the Nato operation there.
The Taliban and other anti-government elements have been blamed for 2,332 of the 3,021 civilians who were killed in Afghanistan last year - a rise of 8% on 2010. In 2011, UNAMA documented 2,332 civilian deaths and 3,649 injuries by the Taliban for a total 5,981 civilian casualties, an increase of 10% in deaths and injuries attributed to anti-government forces compared to 2010. This accounted for 77% of all deaths whereas Nato and government forces totalled 410 civilian killings and 335 injuries.
Suicide bombings and improvised explosive devices (IEDs) killed the most Afghan civilians according to the UN, with just under half of deaths. Between 1 January and 31 December 2011, UNAMA recorded 967 civilian deaths and 1,586 injuries from IEDS. United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan says:
Anti-Government Elements increased their use of IEDs and suicide attacks against obvious civilian targets. In incidents where intended targets appeared to be military, those responsible for placing or detonating IEDs showed no regard for the presence of civilians and no evidence of distinguishing between civilian and military targets in violation of the international humanitarian law principles of distinction, precaution and proportionality. Anti-Government Elements also deliberately targeted and killed civilians not taking a direct part in hostilities, mainly individuals who supported, or were perceived as supporting the Government of Afghanistan or international military forces
Interestingly, the report also highlights a new Taliban 'code of conduct':
The Taliban's 30 April 2011 statement on "Inception of the Spring Operations or Operation Badar" said the Taliban will "focus attacks" on targets of a military nature, take precautions and reiterated "strict attention must be paid to the protection and safety of civilians during the spring operations by working out a meticulous military plan." In August 2011, on the occasion of Eid al-Fitr, the Taliban issued a statement calling on their fighters to implement the Taliban's Code of Conduct and stated "protection of life and property of the people is one of the main goals of jihad."
Aerial attacks by pro-government forces continued to cost lives in 2011 - in accounted for the most civilian deaths by Pro-Government Forces at 187 deaths, or 44% of the total civilian deaths.
While we are pretty good at providing detailed statistical breakdowns of coalition military casualties (and by we, I mean the media as a whole), we've not so good at providing any kind of breakdown of Afghan civilian casualties. There has been some work done. Human Rights Watch has published breakdowns of civilian casualties, and academics such asMark Herold at the University of New Hampshire have done detailed reporting on very specific periods of the operation.
Obviously, collecting accurate statistics in one of the most dangerous countries in the world is difficult. But the paucity of reliable data on this means that one of the key measures of the war has been missing fromalmost all reporting.
You've noticed it too - asking us why we publish military deaths but not civilian casualties. The United Nations Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) publishes statistics on civilian casualties, splitting them into deaths caused by government/military forces, anti-government forces and so on. True, they're not very visible on the UNAMA site and are not updated regularly in a visible way - but they do seem to be the best we can get. They published a report this month which has provided these details.
Deaths in Afghanistan
Click heading to sort. Download this data
Year | Anti-govn't forces | Pro-govn't forces | Other | Total | % change | % killings by Taliban |
|---|
|
| 2006 | 699 | 230 | | 929 | | 75.24 |
| 2007 | 700 | 629 | 194 | 1,523 | 63.94 | 45.96 |
| 2008 | 1,160 | 828 | 130 | 2,118 | 39.07 | 54.77 |
| 2009 | 1,630 | 596 | 186 | 2,412 | 13.88 | 67.58 |
| 2010 | 2,037 | 427 | 326 | 2,790 | 15.67 | 73.01 |
| 2011 | 2,332 | 410 | 279 | 3,021 | 8.28 | 77.19 |
| TOTAL, 2007-2011 | 8,558 | 3,120 | 1,115 | 12,793 | | 66.90 |
( Guardian 2011)
To the military, they are UAVs (Unmanned Aerial Vehicles) or RPAS (Remotely Piloted Aerial Systems). However, they are more commonly known as drones.
Drones are used in situations where manned flight is considered too risky or difficult. They provide troops with a 24-hour "eye in the sky", seven days a week. Each aircraft can stay aloft for up to 17 hours at a time, loitering over an area and sending back real-time imagery of activities on the ground.
Those used by the United States Air Force and Royal Air Force range from small intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance craft, some light enough to be launched by hand, to medium-sized armed drones and large spy planes.
Continue reading the main storyKey uses
- Intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance
- Checking for roadside bombs or devices on landing areas
- Listening to mobile phone conversations
- Helping understand daily routine of locals to see what is normal behaviour
- Close Air Support
- Following or attacking suspected insurgents
Although the US does not routinely speak publicly about operations involving drones, President Obama has confirmed that they regularly strike suspected militants in Pakistan's tribal areas.
The use of such unmanned aircraft in the area began under President George W Bush, but their use has more than doubled under the Obama administration.
Drones are seen by many in the military as delivering precision strikes without the need for more intrusive military action. However, they are not without controversy.
Hundreds of people have been killed by the strikes in Pakistan - civilians as well as militants, causing outrage. One of the deadliest attacks was in March 2011 when 40 were killed, many believed to be civilians at a tribal meeting.
Key drone typesTwo of the medium-sized drones currently in use in Afghanistan and Pakistan are the MQ-1B Predator and the MQ-9 Reaper.
These strange-looking planes carry a wealth of sensors in their bulbous noses: colour and black-and-white TV cameras, image intensifiers, radar, infra-red imaging for low-light conditions and lasers for targeting. They can also be armed with laser-guided missiles.
Each multi-million dollar Predator or Reaper system comprises four aircraft, a ground control station and a satellite link.
Although drones are unmanned, they are not unpiloted - trained crew at base steer the craft, analyse the images which the cameras send back and act on what they see.
The base may be local to the combat zone or thousands of miles away - many of the drone missions in Afghanistan are controlled from Creech air force base in Nevada, USA - although take-off and landing are always handled locally.
The MQ-1B Predator (formerly called the RQ-1 Predator) was originally designed as an aircraft for intelligence-gathering, surveillance, identifying targets and reconnaissance.
However, since 2002 it has been equipped with two Hellfire II missiles, meaning it can strike at a range of up to 8km (five miles).
By contrast, the newer MQ-9 Reaper was conceived as a "hunter-killer" system.
It can carry four Hellfire missiles and laser-guided bombs such as Paveway II and GBU-12.
Its cruise speed is 370kph (230mph), much faster than the 217kph (135mph) of the Predator which is more vulnerable to being shot down at low altitudes - although the drones would usually be flown above the range of most of the weapons available to the Taliban.
Future craftThe US Army revealed in December that it was also developing new helicopter-style drones with 1.8 gigapixel colour cameras, which promised "an unprecedented capability to track and monitor activity on the ground".
Britain's prototype Taranis is designed to fend off attackThree of the A160 Hummingbird sensor-equipped drones are due to go into service in Afghanistan in either May or June this year.
The drones will take advantage of the Autonomous Real-time Ground Ubiquitous Surveillance-Imaging System first or Argus-IS, which can provide real-time video streams at the rate of 10 frames a second. The army said that was enough to track people and vehicles from altitudes above 20,000 feet (6.1km) across almost 65 square miles (168 sq km).
The US Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) is also working with the UK-based defence contractor BAE Systems to develop a more advanced version of the Argus-IS sensor that will offer night vision.
It said the infrared imaging sensors would be sensitive enough to follow "dismounted personnel at night".
British capabilityBritish forces also use a variety of remotely piloted aircraft. The British Army has used the Hermes 450 UAV in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as smaller UAVs to help check for roadside bombs ahead of patrols.
The Hermes 450 is being upgraded to the Watchkeeper which, like the Reaper, can be armed. It is due to enter service in 2012.
The RAF also uses the higher-spec Reaper aircraft. In May last year, the RAF announced a new squadron of the drones would be controlled for the first time from a UK base. The Reaper had previously been controlled by RAF crews in the US.
In July 2010, the UK Ministry of Defence unveiled Taranis, its prototype unmanned combat air vehicle which is designed to be able to fend off attack as well as perform the intelligence gathering, surveillance and strike roles of other UAVs.
( BBC 2012)
argument: By using drone we keep our soldiers out of the line of fire deceasing their chances of dying
3. Most effective than a piloted aircraft
A more difficult future task could be air-to-air combat. Although UAS offensive operations to
date have focused on ground targets, UCAVs are being designed to carry air-to-air weapons and
other systems that may allow them to undertake air superiority missions. DOD is experimenting
with outfitting today’s UAVs with the sensors and weapons required to conduct such a mission. In
fact, a Predator has reportedly already engaged in air-to-air combat with an Iraqi fighter aircraft.
In March 2003 it was reported that a Predator launched a Stinger air-to-air missile at an Iraqi MiG
before the Iraqi aircraft shot it down.24 While this operational encounter may be a “baby step” on
the way toward an aerial combat capability, newer UAS such as the X-47B, Avenger, and
Phantom Ray are not being designed with acknowledged air-to-air capability.
In short, UAS are expected to take on every type of mission currently flown by manned aircraft.
( Congressional research service)
Con
1. Kills innocent people
U.S. drone-fired missiles hit a house in Pakistan's northwest tribal region near the Afghan border Wednesday, killing eight people, Pakistani intelligence officials said.
The attack occurred in Spalga village in the North Waziristan tribal area, said the officials, speaking on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to talk to the media. The identities of those killed were unknown, but the area is dominated by Hafiz Gul Bahadur, a prominent militant commander focused on fighting foreign troops in Afghanistan.
The U.S. does not publicly discuss details of the covert CIA-run drone program in Pakistan.
The program has caused tensions with Pakistan. Although the government is widely believed to have provided support for the strikes in the past, that cooperation has become strained as its relationship with Washington has deteriorated.
Pakistan kicked the U.S. out of a base used by American drones last year in retaliation for American airstrikes that accidentally killed 24 Pakistani troops at two Afghan border posts on Nov. 26.
The move is not expected to significantly impact drone operations, but the pace of strikes has slowed since the border incident as the U.S. has tried to repair the relationship with Pakistan.
Pakistan also retaliated for the errant airstrikes by closing its Afghan border crossings to supplies meant for NATO troops in Afghanistan.
Pakistani Defense Minister Ahmad Mukhtar said Tuesday that the country should reopen the crossings after negotiating a better deal with the coalition.
He did not provide specific details. But other Pakistani officials have suggested that the government levy additional fees on the coalition for using the route because the heavy trucks damage roads.
The closure has forced the United States to spend six times as much money to send supplies to Afghanistan through alternative routes.
Pakistan's parliament is expected to vote on a revised framework for relations with the U.S. in mid-February that could pave the way for the government to reopen the supply line.
Pakistani Foreign Minister Hina Rabbani Khar said last week that she didn't think it would be much of a problem to reopen the route after the parliament vote.
The defense minister echoed this view, saying, "I think the people who are deciding, who are giving recommendations, will make the right decision."
For most of the 10-year war in Afghanistan, 90 percent of supplies shipped to coalition forces came through Pakistan, via the port of Karachi. But over the past three years, NATO has increased its road and rail shipments through an alternate route that runs through Russia and Central Asia. The northern route was longer and more expensive, but provided a hedge against the riskier Pakistan route.
Before the accidental American airstrikes on Nov. 26, about 30 percent of non-lethal supplies for U.S. and coalition troops in Afghanistan traveled through Pakistan.
The U.S. has since increased the amount of supplies running through the northern route, but this has cost it a lot more money. Pentagon figures provided to the AP show that the alternative transport is costing about $104 million per month, $87 million more per month than when the cargo moved through Pakistan.
( palestine Herald)
The missiles struck a compound on the outer skirts of Miranshah, in the North Waziristan region, killing four, one official said.
The attack triggered a fire in the building and flames could be seen from the roof of houses in Miranshah, five kilometres away, residents reported.
The drone attack and the casualties were confirmed by two other security officials.
The strike was the first since US-Pakistan relations plunged to their lowest level after the November 26 helicopter strikes on a border check post which killed 24 Pakistani soldiers.
( Tribute 2012)
2. Pakistani government does not want American drone strikes
Pakistan's parliament is expected this week to debate a committee's recommendation that the United States stop drone strikes inside its territory and apologize unconditionally for airstrikes last year that killed two dozen Pakistani soldiers.
"No entity in Pakistan -- in this current government, because I can only speak for this government -- has ever given any tacit agreement to the authorization of drone strikes," said Hina Rabbani Khar, the Pakistani foreign minister.
The Parliamentary Committee on National Security, a group of 18 members of parliament responsible for reviewing relations with the United States, made the recommendation in a report to lawmakers
( Cnn 2012)
In a bid to save the CIA's drone campaign against al-Qaida in Pakistan, U.S. officials offered key concessions to Pakistan's spy chief that included advance notice and limits on the types of targets. But the offers were flatly rejected, leaving U.S.-Pakistani relations strained as President Barack Obama prepares to meet Tuesday with Pakistan's prime minister.
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CIA Director David Petraeus, who met with Pakistan's then-spy chief, Lt. Gen. Ahmed Shuja Pasha at a meeting in London in January, offered to give Pakistan advance notice of future CIA drone strikes against targets on its territory in a bid to keep Pakistan from blocking the strikes — arguably one of the most potent U.S. tools against al-Qaida.
The CIA chief also offered to apply new limits on the types of targets hit, said a senior U.S. intelligence official briefed on the meetings. No longer would large groups of armed men rate near-automatic action, as they had in the past — one of the so-called "signature" strikes, where CIA targeters deemed certain groups and behavior as clearly indicative of militant activity.
(Msnbc 2012)
3. Not worth the cost
MQ-1B PREDATOR
Unit Cost: $20 million (fiscal 2009 dollars) (includes four aircraft, a ground control station and a Predator Primary Satellite Link)
( United States Air force)
Argument: Terrorist are not worth using 20 million dollar equipment on